Courtesy of Lazar Tripinović
On Nov. 1, 2024, a canopy of a newly-renovated railway station collapsed and killed 15 civilians in Novi Sad, the second largest city in Serbia. The station underwent significant construction from September of 2021 to July of 2024 as part of a high-speed railway project designed to connect capital city Belgrade with the Hungarian capital Budapest. The project was highly lauded by Serbia’s ruling party, The Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), who promoted the construction of the station as one of the greatest achievements in the modernization and economic development in Serbia.
The SNS, which came into power in 2012, initially campaigned as a moderate, pro-European alternative to the radical far-right parties that failed to garner sufficient support in the years following the post-war fall of Slobodan Milošević’s nationalist regime in 2000. Since 2012, SNS has consolidated its power in all branches of government, developing a more right-wing, economic development-focused agenda that relies heavily on foreign investment from China and Russia, censorship of media and electoral manipulation.
The Nov. 1 tragedy sparked a national outcry, serving as a catalyst for protests in response to what citizens see as the government’s insufficient investment in local infrastructure, anti-environmentalist policies, alleged electoral fraud and growing corruption. President Aleksandar Vučić, a founding member of the SNS, is being increasingly criticized for his dismissal of violence used against student protests, his refusal to take accountability for the government-supported reconstruction of the collapsed railway station and his unwillingness to meet all of the students’ demands.
On Nov. 5, thousands of protesters in Serbia — largely comprised of students — took to the streets in Novi Sad and Belgrade. Tensions escalated when a group of protesters began to vandalize the city hall in Novi Sad. When the demonstrators broke the windows, police officers clad in riot gear fired tear gas and pepper spray at the crowd. The next day, the Ministry of Interior announced that 14 people were arrested and detained at the protest. Several people accused the government’s grounds for arrests as being politically motivated. The detained persons were not released until the end of the month, after several weeks of protesters demanding their freedom.
On Nov. 21, high-ranking SNS member Vladimir Đukanović strongly condemned the protesters on X and condoned the use of force to respond to their demonstrations.
“We must fight against anarcho-terrorists, fake commie intellectuals, the pseudo-elite that is ravaging Serbia with anti-Serbian attitudes,” Đukanović wrote. “It is time to stop this social scum. In every place and at every step. First of all, in every discussion, and God forbid, if necessary, with force. This scum will no longer be able to terrorize this country. Long live Serbia and just fight bravely.”
On Nov. 22, an organised group allegedly including high-ranking members of the SNS attacked students and professors from the University of Belgrade who had gathered to honor the victims of the Novi Sad collapse. On Nov. 25, the students initiated a blockade at the university in response. In the weeks following, the movement grew to include the support of farmers, educators, unions, lawyers and media associations across the country.
Protests have continued and intensified throughout December and January. On Dec. 22, an estimated 100,000 people gathered in the streets of Belgrade — potentially one of the largest student movements in modern Serbian, and even Balkan, history.
On Jan. 16, an unidentified driver rammed his car into a crowd of anti-government protesters, seriously injuring a young woman. Unlike a similar event on Dec. 1, where someone drove through peaceful protesters and did not face charges, the Jan. 16 driver was detained and prosecuted. In response to the incident on Dec. 1, President Vučić dismissed demands to arrest the driver, saying that he did not break the law for driving through a protester who deliberately stood in his way.
On Jan. 27, students initiated a 24-hour blockade in Autokomanda, an urban neighborhood in Belgrade.
On Jan. 31, playwright Siniša Kovačević wrote on X that Serbian students had been officially nominated for the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize.
“We just received confirmation from the Nobel Committee that the nomination of Serbian students for the Nobel Peace Prize, submitted by Mrs. Dijana Stojkovic, a lawyer, and myself, has been accepted,” Kovačević wrote. “They deserve it.”
Lazar Tripinović ’26, a Lewis & Clark student from Serbia who studies International Affairs and French, spoke about his involvement with the Serbian student protesters during his time at home over winter break. Tripinović, who is currently on an exchange program in Cameroon, agreed to meet for an interview over Zoom on Feb. 11.
“I participated in the protests for around a month while I was in Serbia because I was abroad when they started, and now I’m abroad and they’re still going on,” he said.
From Dec. 22 to Jan. 20, Tripinović participated in a number of the protests that were open to the larger public. He noted that he was not able to participate in as many demonstrations as he wished to because several demonstrations took place on university grounds, where buildings can only be accessed with an active student ID.
“I got to Serbia, like, December 22, which was very convenient, because on that very day, it was this huge protest where students and farm workers invited (the) general public to come all together and block one of the main squares in the city,” Tripinović said. “I think after people saw that there was 100,000 people gathering, more general public started getting involved.”
He translated slogans from various placards displayed at the Dec. 22 protest in Slavija Square. One popular slogan, “Šta to pada? Pada Vlada!” translates to “What is falling? Government is falling!” Another, “Studenti će osloboditi sve(t),” translates to “Students will set everyone (the world) free.” He recalled a child holding a sign with “Kad porastem biću student” written on it — in English, “When I grow up I’ll be a student.” Another poster responded to government criticism of school closures resulting from protests: “Dečja revolucija,” or “Children’s revolution.” In one of his photos from the protests in front of the Constitutional Court in Belgrade, protesters brandished signs with the lettering, “Bitno je imati (u)stav.” Tripinović translated this message to English: “It’s important to have a constitution (attitude).”
He described the progression of the protests, sharing that large-scale protests really took off after students were attacked for paying tribute to the Novi Sad victims in late November.
“Things got triggered by what happened in the Novi Sad train station,” Tripinović said. “But it really developed into asking for accountability, for all the years of corruption and general systemic corruption, because this party that’s ironically called the Serbian Progressive Party … is very obviously corrupt.”
He cited bribery, intimidation, gerrymandering and the organized transportation of voters to the capital, where SNS has less support, as examples of government corruption and electoral fraud in recent years. Vučić continues to deny allegations of election fraud.
Tripinović described how the protests over the past few months have inspired optimism that systemic change will take place in Serbia.
“(The protests) evoked a lot of hope,” he said. “They haven’t given up despite cases of violence.”
Despite his month-long participation in the anti-government protests, Tripinović shared that it was difficult to be so far away from home at such a pivotal moment in the country’s history.
“Honestly, I feel pretty guilty about it,” he said. “I already had everything prepared for the semester, so it wasn’t really an option not to do it. Sometimes I wonder, ‘Was it more important to stay and participate?’”
He described how the protesters collaborate unilaterally among schools and universities to coordinate demonstrations. He shared that art students have been particularly active in showing support for anti-government protesters by sharing information on social media, providing updates on the protests and criticizing SNS politicians. Tripinović identified @sviublokade.fdu, @studenti_u_blokadi and @blokada.arh.bg as relevant sources of information for student protesters. As with student protesters in the United States, Instagram is a popular platform for Serbian student protesters for distributing information about rallies and other events, communicating among different universities and coordinating steps going forward.
“It’s hard showing support from a distance,” Tripinović said. “I’m struggling with it right now myself, but I feel like knowing more about it helps. Giving space to talk about it, being in the newspaper, there being some official statements, I feel like that helps a lot … There were a couple universities and organizations in Europe that have officially voiced statements, or published statements, which I think definitely helps.”
On Feb. 15, thousands of protesters braved near-freezing temperatures to march to Kragujevac, where they were met with euphoric support, warm drinks and food. They blockaded the city’s major boulevards for 15 hours and 15 minutes, in symbolic tribute to the Novi Sad victims. They also held 15 minutes of silence.
In neighboring countries, such as Bosnia, Croatia and Slovenia, students have shown support for and drawn inspiration from Serbia’s demonstrators by hosting their own rallies and protesting corruption in their own countries.
Lazar explained why he thinks support from neighboring Balkan countries is strongest.
“We speak the same language, we have a lot of cultural similarities, I think that’s why we generally get news more from each other than other places because they were able to read about what’s happening in Serbia, way before other countries were,” he said. “French, German, Italian newspapers started reporting about it, only two months into it happening.”
Blockades and demonstrations continue across Serbia and the Balkans as growing support from the international community inspires confidence among anti-government protesters.
Students continue to demand accountability and reparations for the Novi Sad tragedy and the subsequent attacks on student protesters paying tribute to the victims. Protesters are also calling for the publication of all documents related to the station’s reconstruction, the legal prosecution of those who attacked the students, the dismissal of criminal charges against students arrested during the protests and a 20% increase in the state budget for higher education. While three of the four demands pertain directly to the Novi Sad tragedy and incidents of violence against student protesters, the call for accountability and transparency reflects a broader sentiment of distrust and dissatisfaction with the current SNS right-wing party, and in particular, with President Vučić.
As of Feb. 19, students across Serbia remain committed to dismantling corruption in their country, demanding transparency and creating systemic change. Social media accounts continue to schedule daily protests, demonstrations and events throughout the country.
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