Courtesy of WFP/Moses Sawasawa
On the morning of Jan. 27, 2025, I woke up to news about the Great Lakes region of Africa. I learned quickly from my brother that Goma, the provincial capital of North Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) had fallen into the hands of a rebel group by the name of M23. Goma is a large city home to almost a million people and it is also strategically located in one of the most resource-rich areas in the world. As a result, multiple hands — including the United States — are competing for this jar. On the short end of the stick are Congolese refugees and internally displaced people — women, children, and the elderly alike.
According to a recent report from the United Nations, an estimated 7.2 million have been displaced and forced to leave their homes. For reference, that is as if all of the Seattle metro population (3.5 million) and Portland (2 million) all had to evacuate. That still would not be enough, though, so you would have to add Vancouver and British Columbia (2.7 million) to the mix in order to match the reality on the ground. And what are Americans doing about it? Absolutely nothing. Instead — especially in the Pacific Northwest — people are consumed with grief over an election that happened months ago and fixated on fears of “authoritarianism,” despite the fact that the U.S. remains one of the most insulated governments in history.
After four years living in the Pacific Northwest, I have observed that people here take immense pride in their environmental consciousness, often emphasizing their “carbon footprint.” Like many, I have come to appreciate the stunning natural beauty of this region and agree that we all have a responsibility to protect it. However, there is a certain level of make-believe in the idea that we can all be environmental heroes simply by switching from gas-powered cars to electric vehicles (EVs). In order, California, Washington, Hawaii and Oregon have the highest EV-per-capita rates in the country, according to the Department of Energy.
In these states, one of the first things you will notice is the abundance of EVs and the pride their owners take in driving — or being driven in — these eco-friendly cars. It’s the same sense of pride that comes with owning the latest Tesla model, a symbol of environmental consciousness and status. For some, it is an opportunity to subtly (or not so subtly) rub it in the faces of those in states like Mississippi, North Dakota and West Virginia, where EV adoption lags behind. Much of this dynamic is fueled by government incentives aimed at encouraging a shift to greener alternatives. In 2021, Washington lawmakers set an ambitious target: by 2035, 100% of light-duty vehicles should be electric. Sounds almost too good to be true, right?
Apparently not for major U.S. cities such as Los Angeles and Austin. These cities have been pioneers in aggressively phasing out gas-powered vehicles in government and public transit fleets. Corporations such as Amazon and FedEx have also vowed to electrify their delivery fleets. But here is the issue: none of this is possible without raw materials from Africa’s Great Lakes region, especially one pocket in the eastern part of the DRC. Manufacturers in the United States (and increasingly China) absolutely need cobalt from the North Kivu province to produce the rechargeable lithium batteries that go in our electric-powered cars, phones and laptops, for which demand is continuing to grow.
70% of the global cobalt reserve can be found in the eastern parts of the DRC, which is also home to an abundance of cold, copper, and diamonds. In 2024, the DRC mined 130,000 metric tons of cobalt, while the second-largest producer, Indonesia, only mined 10,000. The United States mines about 2-3% of the cobalt it needs domestically which is — let‘s face it — insufficient. That is especially the case when we introduce China to the picture, which has been making strides recently in the EVs global market. To add salt to the wound, China became the largest exporter of all EVs sold worldwide last year, thanks to the rise of Chinese manufacturers such as BYD.
Tesla has faced significant setbacks in recent months, which may partly explain CEO Elon Musk’s increasing involvement in U.S. politics. Musk — who was born in South Africa and has ties to the apartheid regime — has become a highly visible figure in the Trump administration. Musk is a regular attendee of Trump’s rallies and personally contributed over $290 million to the campaign, according to NPR. With President Trump officially in office, it is expected that he will prioritize government contracts and initiatives for Musk’s ventures, including SpaceX, Tesla and even The Boring Company. Hell, why not! Musk has previously secured substantial government support and will likely seek further assistance under the Trump administration. Tesla, for instance, recently received a $1.3 billion incentive package for its gigafactory near Reno, Nevada, which included tax credits aimed at “fostering job creation and regional investment.”
Whether we acknowledge it or not, many of our hands are in the Congo, and it is not just the billionaires. It is true — your latest iPhone, iPad, or MacBook relies on batteries made with hand-mined cobalt from the Congo. Am I suggesting you throw away your phone? Absolutely not. Issues like Myanmar’s Karen people’s resistance and the crises unfolding in the Middle East and Sudan also deserve global attention. But I am both baffled and surprised by how little awareness there is, especially within the eco-conscious PNW, about the scale of the humanitarian crisis in the DRC, with this being the region in the U.S. that benefits the most from the DRC’s vast natural resources and, subsequently, her instability.
If China has taught us one key global lesson, it is that we are all interconnected — all in the same spiderweb called globalization — and can be easily influenced, as seen with the COVID-19 pandemic. This interconnectedness is evident elsewhere and stretches also through cybercrime and election manipulation, for instance. That is why we should care, stay informed as one organ and prioritize monitoring global conflicts as a whole.
The New York Times recently reported that “more than 21 million people in Congo — about one-fifth of the population — need aid.” But humanitarian workers warn that new Trump-era policies could push the country further into crisis. As of this writing, President Trump has issued an executive order imposing a 90-day freeze on nearly all foreign aid, pending review. In early February, the decision extended to USAID, raising concerns about its far-reaching consequences. But do President Trump and Elon Musk fully understand the stakes — especially for global food security?
Goma, the regional capital and epicenter of ongoing conflict, is over 1,050 miles from the DRC’s capital, Kinshasa. This vast distance has made it difficult for the current Tshisekedi administration to effectively govern the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu. As a result, many refugees flee to the nearest neighboring country, Rwanda. In a way, Goma and Gisenyi — across from each other on Lake Kivu — are like the Twin Cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul. One of the deepest lakes in the world, Lake Kivu also produces methane gas, which presents a significant opportunity for energy generation. The Rwandan government, over the years, has heavily invested in renewable energy. In 2016, for instance, the power station KivuWatt was created to be an efficient and eco-friendly energy project that could power a large portion of the country.
I feel a deep responsibility to raise awareness about the urgent issues facing my region and believe it is crucial for both those in authority and the rest of us to stay informed about human rights violations and injustices wherever they occur. Whether it is in Tbilisi, Georgia, where protesters demanding fair elections were met with tear gas and water cannons, or the ongoing, largely forgotten war in Sudan, we in the West must remain vigilant as volatile situations risk escalating into full-blown humanitarian crises — crises that should not be allowed to spiral into endless suffering.
Coverage of the ongoing crisis has focused on Rwanda’s handling of the repatriation of nearly 300 Eastern European mercenaries, primarily from Romania. Reuters described the situation as a “big relief” following the foreign fighters’ defeat in eastern Congo. Another Toronto-based news agency highlighted the orderly and disciplined process observed in Gisenyi, across the Congolese border in Rwanda, where “dozens of burly men, many bearded, some in fatigues,” lined up to be searched by Rwandan police while sniffer dogs examined their luggage. The mercenaries were then transported by modern coach buses to the capital city of Kigali before being repatriated to Bucharest.
The Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF), along with the country’s internal security agencies, maintain some of the most stringent security measures in the region. Rwanda has also become a key player in counterterrorism efforts, beyond Africa’s Great Lakes region, as exemplified by its recent deployment of 2,500 RDF soldiers to Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado region. More broadly, Rwanda ranks as the second-largest contributor to UN peacekeeping operations worldwide.
According to the Council on Foreign Relations, there are “over 100 confirmed armed groups active in eastern DRC, where militias have sowed chaos for over three decades. The M23 is one of dozens of rebel groups, jihadists, and other non-state actors seeking to destabilize the region. That list, by the way, includes the infamous Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). A January 2025 report revealed that hundreds of private security contractors were hired by a company owned by the well-known Romanian mercenary Horațiu Potra. These contractors were paid to fight alongside the Congolese army (FARDC) in support of President Tshisekedi’s government.
With multiple actors — for and against Tchikedi’s government — operating on the ground, the situation remains difficult to fully assess. But is neighboring Rwanda exacerbating the humanitarian crisis? More specifically, is President Paul Kagame’s government fueling the conflict by backing the M23 rebel group? What is clear is that M23 originates from the North Kivu province, meaning its fighters are Congolese nationals engaged in battle with a fragmented government in Kinshasa — nearly 1,000 miles away. What remains uncertain are the group’s ultimate objectives, with some speculating that M23 may have ambitions to march all the way to the Congolese capital.
Rwanda has not officially acknowledged financing or deploying troops within Congolese territory. However, reports — most notably from the BBC — have alleged that between 3,000 and 4,000 Rwandan troops are operating in the DRC. A December 2024 UN report also presented evidence suggesting that Uganda is providing support, alongside Rwanda, in the conflict. Both Kampala and Kigali have dismissed these claims, instead attributing the crisis to the Congolese government’s failure to effectively govern its vast territory, which spans an area the size of Western Europe.
A scheduled meeting between Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame, mediated by Kenya’s William Ruto, was postponed after the Congolese delegation failed to attend. However, diplomatic efforts remain ongoing through channels such as the Nairobi Process and the Luanda Process, led by Angola’s President João Lourenço. Despite these efforts, uncertainty continues to loom over the region. Some signs of stabilization have emerged, with reports of Kinyarwanda-speaking refugees returning to towns such as Masisi and Sake, Ngungu and Mulenge. Lastly, a sizable crowd reportedly welcomed M23 as the group initially marched into Goma. Whether this sentiment will persist, however, remains to be seen.
About the Author
